Plegaria de Puduhepa a la diosa-sol de Arinna

Hattuşili and his wife Puduhepa
(Relief found in Fraktin)

assisted his brother Muvatalli at the Battle of Kadeş in 1275/4 BC.

Hattuşili arrives at the city of Lavazantiya in Kumanni with

the purpose of making the customary sacrifies to his protective

goddess Iştar. There, on the instructions of the goddess, he

marries Puduhepa, the daughter of Pentipşarri, priest of Iştar.

The goddess bestows on them the love of a husband and wife,

and they have sons and daughters. Another version of Hattuşili’s

autobiography contains more detailed and interesting information

concerning this marriage. Here, not only is Puduhepa the daughter

of a priest, but she is also referred to as a handmaiden of Iştar in the

city of Lavazantiya, i.e. a priestess.

It is also stated that Hattuşili did not take Puduhepa as a result

of his own desire, but married her at the command of Iştar, who

appeared to him in a dream. So Hattuşili,

before he was king, and probably not very young, married a noble

girl from a family of high priests in Kumanni.

The family of only two Hittite queens is known for certain. One of

these is Tavananna (III), the third wife

of Şuppiluliuma l, who was the daughter of a Babylonian king.

The second is Puduhepa. In the introduction of a

votive dedication to the goddess Lelvani, composed some time after she

had become queen, probably during her

most powerful period. Puduhepa refers to herself as Puduhepa, the daughter

of the city of Kumanni. Puduhepa,

like almost all of the queens of the Hittite Empire, bore a typical

Hurrian name, in accordance with the land of her birth.

The names of some of the children of Hattusili and Puduhepa are known.

Their eldest son was Tuthaliya lV,

who succeeded to the throne on his father’s death. Another son was Nerikkaili,

who married the daughter of

Bentesina, king of Amurru. One daughter, Gaşşulaviya, was married off to

Benteşina on condition that she

became queen.

Besides the children of Hattuşili by Puduhepa, documents also refer to the

existence in the palace of other children

of the king. In a letter, Puduhepa writes: …The daughters of the king whom I

discovered when I came to the palace

gave birth with my assistance, and I raised their children. I also raised the children

who had already been born and

I made them commanders in the army. Hattuşili’s son Nerikkaili and his daughter Gaşşulaviya, who became

son-in-low and wife of the neighbouring king of Amuru, appear not to have been

the children of Puduhepa,

and must have been born to a previous wife of Hattuşili. Written sources

attest that Puduhepa was the mother

both of the daughters sent as brides to Ramses II of Egypt, and of

Hattuşili’s successor Tuthaliya IV. Egyptian

sources refer to one of these daugters by the Egyptian name of Mahornefrure

or Manefrure. According to

Egyptian temple inscriptions, Ramses married this princess in the thirty forth

year of his reign, and she

became a member of his harem. Correspondence between the Hittite

and Egyptian

rulers discuss at great

length this marriage arrangement and dowry of the princess, from which it can

be seen that Puduhepa was

personally involved in arranging royal marriages for her children.

The reign of the Great Queen Puduhepa is so well documented that it is clear

that she played

a very active

and successful role in affairs of state, in political, legal and religious matters alike, performing

her duties alongside

and on an equal footing with her husband, as well as independently. It is unfortunate that the

version of the famous

Treaty of Kadeş written on a silver tablet has not survived. On one face of this tablet was the

stamp of the Great

King Hattuşili III, and on the other face was the stamp of the Great Queen Puduhepa.

The great Queen Puduhepa offering a libation

to the
Sun Goddess of Arinna Hepatu

The letters concerning the political marriages, or plans for marriage, between the Hittite and Egyptian dynasties are particularly important in revealing the independent part played by Puduhepa in diplomatic affairs. As many as 15 letters were received by Puduhepa. Those sent by Ramses ll are identical to those he sent to Hattuşili, showing that the Egyptian king himself accorded an equal status to the queen and the Great King. Possibly this was one of the rules of politics dictated by the state laws of the period. The style of the letters from Ramses II is very striking. The tone is quite formal, and importance is given to the use of long and polite formulae. In one of his letters, Ramses addresses Puduhepa as my sister, and mentions the comfortable state of the land of Egypt and his own good health. Then he expresses his wish to the queen that she should also posses the same favourable circumstances as he himself does.

from Egyptian queens, which

seem insignificant in comparison with her other correspondence.

Only one letter is known from

Ramses II’s wife Naptera/Nobretari, and another from his mother

Tuya.

In this light, the letter sent by the Egyptian pharaoh Tutenkamen’s

young widow to

Şuppiluliuma I,

requesting one of his sons as a husband, is unique.

Impression of a seal of the Great King Hattuşili and Great Queen Puduhepa

Among the documents which demonstrate the active independent role played

by Puduhepa

in judicial affairs,

there is a group of texts, referred to in judicial affairs, there is a group of texts,

referred to in

Hittite literature

as the Ukkura Affair, which record the minutes of court proceedings.

One interesting document of this type, more specifically appertaining to

the international

shipping laws of the

time, was discovered during excavations of the ancient city of Ugarit.

The text, written in Akkadian, concerns the case of an Ugarit ship which had

sunk outside the

limits of its own

waters. On the front face is the seal impression of Puduhepa.

It is understood that the decision of the inquiry was made in the name of the

Hittite king,

most probably Tuthaliya

IV when he was too young to assume control of his responsibilities and the

reins of power

were in the hands of his

mother Puduhepa.

The same situation occurred if a king was absent because of religious duties

(cult tours etc.)

or on campaign, when

legal documents were endorsed by the queen’s seal. The tablet under

discussion is Hittite,

and the sailor mentioned

in the document is a subject of the Great Hittite Kingdom. The minutes of

the inquiry are

written in epistolary style.

’My sun writes thus to Ammiştamru: When the man from Ugarit and Şukku

came to trial

in the presence of My Sun. Şukku spoke in this way: ’His ship broke up

against the quay’,

but the man from Ugarit said : ‘No, Şukku forcefully broke my ship on

purpose’. My Majesty

gave the following verdict: ‘Let the head of the Ugarit sailors swear on

oath; then Şukku will

pay for the ship and the goods on it.’

This verdict of compensation was issued in the name of the justice of the Hittite

king and stamped

by Puduhepa on behalf

of her son. The person liable for reparation, who had been found guilty of

causing the damage to

the ship, was Şukku, a

citizen of the Hittite Kingdom. The name of the person awarded damages is

not mentioned; he is

referred to only as the

head of the Ugarit sailors and was probably a ship-owner or merchant of the

city of Ugarit.

A number of interesting documents show that the great and powerful Queen

Puduhepa also had

political influence on the

small kingdoms which were subject to the Hittite state. The peace between

Egypt and the Hittites

also improved the

relationship between Egypt and the small vassal states of the Hittite Kingdom.

During the reign

of Ramses II King

Niqmadu II of Ugarit, a city dependent on Hatti, made a peace treaty with

Egypt at the request of

Puduhepa.

Joint seal impressions of Puduhepa and Hattuşili III have been found at

the Hittite capital of Hattuşa

(Boğazköy) and

at Ugarit (Ras Şamra in northern Syria). At first glance it can be seen that

these are stylistically

different from those

of other kings, the writing and motifs characterized by plasticity. At the top

of the circular seal is a

winged sun disc.

The disc shaped like a petalled rosette and standing unattached from the wing

on either side.

The plastic form is seen

especially with the signs which represent the queen, the volute symbolizing

Great and the female head symbolizing Queen.

The head symbol is worked realistically in the manner of a relief statue, and

the smallest details are picked out on

the disc-shaped head-dress and fine veil which hangs to the neck.

Four independent seal impressions belonging to Puduhepa have been discovered,

one at Tarsus, one at Ugarit and

two at Boğazköy. The plastic style is even more evident with these than with

the joint seals. The composition of the

motifs and signs is symmetrical and decorative, and these had been carved

deeply into the surface of the seal,

emphasizing the plasticity of the relief impression on the bullae. The name and

title of the queen are given in

pictographic signs (Hieroglyphic Hittite) in the field at the centre of the seal,

and this is ringed by a cuneiform

legend, although the legends of two of Puduhepa’s seal impressions are damaged.

In the field, at both left and right,

appears a small female head with a disc-shaped head-dress, symbolizing Queen,

on top of whish is the volute which

symbolizes Great. Thus, the title SAL.LUGAL.GAL (great Queen) is written on

both sides. In the upper part of the field

is the winged sun disc. The sign for the title My Sun (My Majesty), symbolizing

royalty. Down the centre of the field,

below the sun disc and between the two female heads, are the four signs of the

queen’s name: Pu-tu-he-pa.

The cuneiform legend around a royal seal generally gives the name, titles and

ancestry of the rulers.

Among the finds from excavations at Boğazköy and Ras Şamra are clay tablets

and bullae which bear the joint seal

impressions of Puduhepa and Hattuşili III. Also from Ugarit (Ras Şamra) is a

seal impression of Puduhepa’s son

Tuthaliya IV which displays an unusual composition and plastic style.

In the cuneiform legend around the field,

the king is styled son of Hattuşili and Puduhepa, indicating that Tuthaliya

was not content with giving merely the

name of his father, but also wanted to record the name of his mother.

This is the only known example of a royal seal

which specifies the name of the king’s mother. No joint seals have been

discovered as yet of Tuthalia IV with another queen.

Besides these examples of seal impressions on clay bullae or tablets, the

personal seal of Puduhepa on one face of the silver plaque which originally

recorded the Treaty of Kadeş is also known, from Egyptian sources.

All of these documents, in particular the independent seals which bear the

queen’s name, provide the clearest

proof of the equal status of the Hittite queens with the kings and the independent

position of the queen. Despite

the fact that Puduhepa bears the official titles of rule, it is notable that she is

not represented by the title Tavananna.

Nor is her husband Hattuşili referred to as Tabarna on either written documents

or on seals.

The publication of ritual texts has enabled us to appreciate the Hittite queen’s

role in important religious activities

and sacred rites. The queen took her place as chief priestess, alongside the king

who was chief priest of the Hatti lands.

The documents in which the religious duties of the Hittite queens are mentioned

are known collectively as Descriptions

of Festivals. They show that the queen was responsible for conducting numerous

religious ceremonies, either together

with her husband or independently. When it is recalled that there was a

female deity at the head of the Hittite pantheon,

the Sun Goddess of the city of Arinna (the Hurrian Hepatu), the involvement

of the Hittite queens in the ceremonies is

recorded not only written texts, but also on rock reliefs. One of the most

important of these is that Fraktin in Cappadocia:

other examples are those of Alacahöyük and Aslantepe (Malatya). It is known

from the descriptions of the rituals that the

king and queen wore special garments during the ceremonies

(H. anniyat-/KIN-att). They are also shown dressed in these

special ceremonial costumes on the rock reliefs. On the Fraktin rock relief,

Puduhepa is depicted clothed from head to foot

in her priestess’ robes, pouring a libation to the goddess Hepatu.

This relief is the only certain archaeological evidence

of a scene showing Puduhepa pouring a libation to Hepatu.

The great King Hattuşili III, offering a libation to the Weather God

The name of Iştar, goddess of the city of Lavazantiya and protecting deity of Puduhepa, occurs frequently in documents of Hattuşili III. The signs which denote the Hittite Goddess Iştar distinguish her from the Mesopotamian Iştar (goddess of love). The Hurrian name of this goddess was Şauşga, and she was brought by the Hurrians to Anatolia and integrated into Hittite culture with the local deities. The Iştar of Lavazantiya was not a goddess of love, but in fact had warrior characteristics, which suited the serious temperament of Puduhepa. The protecting deity of Hattuşili was Iştar of the city of Şamuha, who had the same male characteristics and attributes of a warrior-god.

the royal couple had prayers composed

which open with an invocation to the Sun Goddess of Arinna, the chief goddess of the

pantheon, and go on to thank her

for her favour. The prayer begins as follows:

O Sun Goddess of the city of Arinna,
my lady, mistress of our lands.
Queen of Heaven and earth,
mistress of the kings and queens of the land of Hatti.

This Proto-Hittite, native Anatolian principal deity of the Hattians entered the official

pantheon together with her

family. Written sources and rock monuments (in particular the open-air sanctuary at

Yazılıkaya) of the 13^th century

BC show that the Hurrian gods had become members of the Hittite pantheon and taken

the most important positions,

probably as a result of the influence of Puduhepa. The principal Hurrian goddess Hepatu

was identified with the Sun

Goddess of Arinna. Hepatu was the protecting deity of the Hittite state and its armies,

at the same time possessing the characteristics of a mother-goddess. The Hittite expression

a thousand gods of the land of Hatti illustrates the magnitude

of the Hittite pantheon. Within this sizeable realm of deities, the goddesses held special

importance. Each deity, from the

chief pair to the gods of springs and mountains, was the focus of a cult, with the result that

the official and royal calendar

was pretty much taken up with duties related to these cults. In the lavish ceremonies of

the state cult the queen took her

place as chief priestess beside her husband.

It is notable that protecting goddesses of both Hattuşili III and Puduhepa had

the characteristics of a battle goddess.

The goddess to whom Puduhepa promises offerings when she is requesting that

her beloved husband (the life of my Sun)

be protected from ill health, however, is Lalvani, who was a infernal goddess,

associated with the underworld (there is

no definite evidence to support E. Laroche’s theory that Lelvani was identified

with Iştar of Şamuha).

But what is known about Puduhepa as a woman, and of her feelings? Unfortunately,

no personal documents belonging

to Hittite women are known, and so nothing is known about the private life of Puduhepa.

A little light is thrown on the

question of her feelings in the texts which mention the vows made to Lelvani by the Great

Queen Puduhepa, daughter of

the city of Kumanni and the dreams of the queen.

There is no doubt whatsoever that Puduhepa was a loyal wife to her husband, and

regarded him with devotion and respect. The king himself writes about his childhood,

when he suffered from bad health and the worries of being close to death. After pledging

himself to Iştar of –amuha whilst he was still young, his health recovered and he developed

into a strong young man. Despite this, however, it appears that his ill health must have

returned when he became older. The prayers made and the offerings promised to the gods

for the continued good health of the Sun (king) and a long life reflect the deep love and

devotion of Puduhepa towards her husband and her fear of losing him at any moment.

The most well-known and well-studied of this kind of document comprises the vows made

to Lelvani, infernal goddess of the Underworld. In these documents, Puduhepa promises

various kinds of offerings in return for a long life full of good health for the king.

The kind of offerings promised include gold and silver goblets, vessels and drinking

horns, gold images of the god, statues or busts of the king, and sometimes living things

such as herds of animals, and NAM.RAS (civil prisoners/deportees) as cult personnel.

One of the most interesting aspects of Queen Puduhepa’s votive texts is that the family

members in the service of the cult of the goddess Lelvani are mentioned individually

by name. Thus, it is possible to distinguish two groups among the temple personnel-young

girls and boys, and widows with children, referred to as ut/dati. Puduhepa involved herself

in the family

lives of these people, arranging marriages for the young girls and assigning the upbringing

of the orphan children to the supervision of relatives.

The women referred to as SAL udati, who served the temple of the goddess along with their

children, are given an important

place in the text. The duties of these women comprised the production of dairy products.

The temple personnel also included

males who are referred to as NAM.RA. These men worked for the temple economy, performing

various tasks such as planting

fruit trees and working in a capacity as bakers and dairymen. The personnel were recruited

annually, to replace those who had died, and a census record was kept. These procedures can

be traced in the texts over a period of five years.

All procedures connected with the temple of Lelvani were related to the purpose of helping

to provide the king with a healthy

and long life, and were very probably performed in the city of Kumanni. Puduhepa’s organizing

of the temple personnel, the recruiting when necessary, the duties performed, and the

arrangements for the annual sacrifices are all recorded. These

texts, then, of which there exist a number of versions, are not only of a religious nature,

but they are also administrative documents which give information about the socio-economic

organization connected to the cult, and they reveal the economic importance of the temple

in the 13^th century BC.

It is also known that Puduhepa had a series of religious documents rewritten, as well issuing

orders that scattered texts be collected and organized. These were the texts related to the

ceremonies of the hişuvaş or işuvaş festival. The tablets record that the queen reorganized

the ceremonies and the cult.

Despite the abundance of documentary evidence for this period, however, it is known when

or how either King Hattuşili III or

Queen Puduhepa died. Nor has the tomb of the couple yet been discovered among the wealth

of architectural structures at

Hattuşa.

Letters and other documents from the Great Queen Puduhepa:

Prayer of Queen Puduhepa to the Sun Goddess or Arinna

Lawcourt Protocol (Law suit opened by Queen Puduhepa against GAL.^dU and his father Ukkura)

Letter from Egyptian King Ramses II to Hittite Queen Puduhepa

Letter from Egyptian King Ramses II to Hittite Queen Puduhepa

Letter from Egyptian Queen Naptera to Hittite Queen Puduhepa

See also:

View fotos of Fraktin with Hattusili and Puduhepa relief

Source:

Women in the historical ages
Author: Muhibbe Darga
from: Woman in Anatolia, 1993
Turkish Ministry of Culture